net.wars

The Gulf of Google

In 1945, the then mayor of New York City, Fiorello La Guardia signed a bill renaming Sixth Avenue. Eighty years later, even with street signs that include the new name, the vast majority of New Yorkers still say things like, “I’ll meet you at the southwest corner of 51st and Sixth”. You can lead a horse to Avenue of the Americas, but you can’t make him say it.

US president Donald Trump’s order renaming the Gulf of Mexico offers a rarely discussed way to splinter the Internet (at the application layer, anyway; geography matters!), and on Tuesday Google announced it would change the name for US users of its Maps app. As many have noted, this contravenes Google’s 2008 policy on naming bodies of water in Google Earth: “primary local usage”. A day later, reports came that Google has placed the US on its short list of sensitive countries – that is, ones whose rulers dispute the names and ownership of various territories: China, Russia, Israel, Saudi Arabia, Iraq.

Sharpieing a new name on a map is less brutal than invading, but it’s a game anyone can play. Seen on Mastodon: the bay, now labeled “Gulf of Fragile Masculinity”.

***

Ed Zitron has been expecting the generative AI bubble to collapse disastrously. Last week provided an “Is this it?” moment when the Chinese company DeepSeek released reasoning models that outperform the best of the west at a fraction of the cost and computing power. US stock market investors: “Let’s panic!”

The code, though not the training data, is open source, as is the relevant research. In Zitron’s analysis, the biggest loser here is OpenAI, though it didn’t seem like that to investors in other companies, especially Nvidia, whose share price dropped 17% on Tuesday alone. In an entertaining sideshow, OpenAI complains that DeepSeek stole its code – ironic given the history.

On Monday, Jon Stewart quipped that Chinese AI had taken American AI’s job. From there the countdown started until someone invoked national security.

Nvidia’s chips have been the picks and shovels of generative AI, just as they were for cryptocurrency mining. In the latter case, Nvidia’s fortunes waned when cryptocurrency prices crashed, ethercoin, among others, switched to proof of stake, and miners shifted to more efficient, lower-cost application-specific integrated circuits. All of these lowered computational needs. So it’s easy to believe the pattern is repeating with generative AI.

There are several ironies here. The first is that the potential for small language models to outshine large ones has been known since at least 2020, when Timnit Gebru, Emily Bender, Margaret Mitchell, and Angelina McMillan-Major published their stochastic parrots paper. Google soon fired Gebru, who told Bloomberg this week that AI development is being driven by FOMO rather than interesting questions. Second, as an AI researcher friend points out, Hugging Face, which is trying to replicate DeepSeek’s model from scratch, said the same thing two years ago. Imagine if someone had listened.

***

A work commitment forced me to slog through Ross Douthat’s lengthy interview with Marc Andreessen at the New York Times. Tl;dr: Andreessen says Silicon Valley turned right because Democrats broke The Deal under which Silicon Valley supported liberal democracy and the Democrats didn’t regulate them. In his whiny victimhood, Andreessen has no recognition that changes in Silicon Valley’s behavior – and the scale at which it operates – are *why* Democrats’ attitudes changed. If Silicon Valley wants its Deal back, it should stop doing things that are obviously exploitive. Random case in point: Hannah Ziegler reports at the Washington Post that a $1,700 bassinet called a “Snoo” suddenly started demanding $20 per month to keep rocking a baby all night. I mean, for that kind of money I pretty much expect the bassinet to make its own breast milk.

***

Almost exactly eight years ago, Donald Trump celebrated his installation in the US presidency by issuing an executive order that risked up-ending the legal basis for data flows between the EU, which has strict data protection laws, and the US, which doesn’t. This week, he did it again.

In 2017, Executive Order 13768 dominated Computers, Privacy, and Data Protection. The deal in place at the time, Privacy Shield, eventually survived until 2020, when it was struck down in lawyer Max Schrems’s second such case. It was replaced by the Transatlantic Data Privacy Framework, which established the five-member Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board to oversee surveillance and, as Politico explains, handle complaints from Europeans about misuse of their data.

This week, Trump rendered the board non-operational by firing its three Democrat-appointed members, leaving just one, Republican-appointed, member in place.

At Techdirt, Mike Masnick warns the framework could collapse, costing Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, YouTube, exTwitter, and other US-based services (including Truth Social) their European customers. At his NGO, noyb, Schrems himself takes note: “This deal was always built on sand.”

Schrems adds that another Trump Executive Order gives 45 days to review and possibly scrap predecessor Joe Biden’s national security decisions, including some the framework also relies on. Few things ought to scare US – and, in a slew of new complaints, Chinese – businesses more than knowing Schrems is watching.

Illustrations: The Gulf of Mexico (NASA, via Wikimedia).

Wendy M. Grossman is the 2013 winner of the Enigma Award. Her Web site has an extensive archive of her books, articles, and music, and an archive of earlier columns in this series. She is a contributing editor for the Plutopia News Network podcast. Follow on Mastodon or Bluesky.

Review: Dark Wire

Dark Wire
by Joseph Cox
PublicAffairs (Hachette Group)
ISBNs: 9781541702691 (hardcover), 9781541702714 (ebook)

One of the basic principles that emerged as soon as encryption software became available to ordinary individuals on home computers was this: everyone should encrypt their email so the people who really need the protection don’t stick out as targets. Also at that same time, the authorities were constantly warning that if encryption weren’t controlled by key escrow, an implanted back door, or restrictions on its strength, it would help hide the activities of drug traffickers, organized crime, pedophiles, and terrorists. This same argument continues today.

Today, billions of people have access to encrypted messaging via WhatsApp, Signal, and other services. Governments still hate it, but they *use* it; the UK government is all over WhatsApp, as multiple public inquiries have shown.

In Dark Wire: The Incredible True Story of the Largest Sting Operation Ever, Joseph Cox, one of the four founders of 404 Media, takes us on a trip through law enforcement’s adventures in encryption, as police try to identify and track down serious criminals making and distributing illegal drugs by the ton.

The story begins with PhantomSecure, a scheme that stripped down Blackberry devices and installed PGP to encrypt emails and systems to ensure the devices could exchange emails only with other Phantom Secure devices. The service became popular among all sorts of celebrities, politicians, and other non-criminals who value privacy – but not *only* them. All perfectly legal.

One of my favorite moments comes early,when a criminal debating whether to trust a new contact decides he can because he has one of these secure Blackberries. The criminal trusted the supply chain; surely no one would have sold him one of these things without thoroughly checking that he wasn’t a cop. Spoiler alert: he was a cop. That sale helped said cop and his colleagues in the United States, Australia, Canada, and the Netherlands infiltrate the network, arrest a bunch of criminals, and shut it down – eventually, after setbacks, and with the non-US forces frustrated and amazed by US Constitutional law limiting what agents were allowed to look at.

PhantomSecure’s closure made a hole in the market while security-conscious criminals scrambled to find alternatives. It was rapidly filled by competitors working with modified phones: Encrochat and Sky ECC. As users migrated to these services and law enforcement worked to infiltrate and shut them down as well, former PhantomSecure salesman “Afgoo” had a bright idea, which he offered to the FBI: why not build their own encrypted app and take over the market?

The result was Anom, From the sounds of it, some of its features were quite cool. For example, the app itself hid behind an innocent-looking calculator, which acted as a password gateway. Type in the right code, and the messaging app appeared. The thing sold itself.

Of course, the FBI insisted on some modifications. Behind the scenes, Anom devices sent copies of every message to the FBI’s servers. Eventually, the floods of data the agencies harvested this way led to 500 arrests on one day alone, and the seizure of hundreds of firearms and dozens of tons of illegal drugs and precursor chemicals.

Some of the techniques the criminals use are fascinating in their own right. One method of in-person authentication involved using the unique serial number on a bank note, sending it in advance; the mule delivering the money would simply have to show they had the bank note, a physical one-time pad. Banks themselves were rarely used. Instead, cash would be stored in safe houses in various countries and the money would never have to cross borders. So: no records, no transfers to monitor. All of this spilled open for law enforcement because of Anom.

And yet. Cox waits until the end to voice reservations. All those seizures and arrests barely made a dent in the world’s drug trade – a “rounding error”, Cox calls it.

The AI moment

“Why are we still talking about digital transformation?” The speaker was convening a session at last weekend’s UK Govcamp, an event organized by and for civil servants with an interest in digital stuff.

“Because we’ve failed?” someone suggested. These folks are usually *optimists*.

Govcamp is a long-running tradition that began as a guerrilla effort in 2008. At the time, civil servants wanting to harness new technology in the service of government were so thin on the ground they never met until one of them, Jeremy Gould, convened the first Govcamp. These are people who are willing to give up a Saturday in order to do better at their jobs working for us. All hail.

It’s hard to remember now, nearly 15 years on, the excitement in 2010 when David Cameron’s incoming government created the Government Digital Service and embedded it into the Cabinet Office. William Heath immediately ended the Ideal Government blog he’d begun writing in 2004 to press insistently for better use of digital technologies in government. The government had now hired all the people he could have wanted it to, he said, and therefore, “its job is done”.

Some good things followed: tilting government procurement to open the way for smaller British companies, consolidating government publishing, other things less visible but still important. Some data became open. This all has improved processes like applying for concessionary travel passes and other government documents, and made government publishing vastly more usable. The improvement isn’t universal: my application last year to renew my UK driver’s license was sent back because my signature strayed outside the box provided for it.

That’s just one way the business of government doesn’t feel that different. The whole process of developing legislation – green and white papers, public consultations, debates, and amendments – marches on much as it ever has, though with somewhat wider access because the documents are online. Thoughts about how to make it more participatory were the subject of a teacamp in 2013. Eleven years on, civil society is still reading and responding to government consultations in the time-honored way, and policy is still made by the few for the many.

At Govcamp, the conversation spread between the realities of their working lives and the difficulties systems posed for users – that is, the rest of us. “We haven’t removed those little frictions,” one said, evoking the old speed comparisons between Amazon (delivers tomorrow or even today) and the UK government (delivers in weeks, if not months).

“People know what good looks like,” someone else said, in echoing that frustration. That’s 2010-style optimism, from when Amazon product search yielded useful results, search engines weren’t spattered with AI slime and blanketed with ads, today’s algorithms were not yet born, and customer service still had a heartbeat. Here in 2025, we’re all coming up against rampant enshittification, with the result that the next cohort of incoming young civil servants *won’t* know any more what “good” looks like. There will be a whole new layer of necessary education.

Other comments: it’s evolution, not transformation; resistance to change and the requirement to ask permission are embedded throughout the culture; usability is still a problem; trying to change top-down only works in a large organization if it sets up an internal start-up and allows it to cannibalize the existing business; not enough technologists in most departments; the public sector doesn’t have the private sector option of deciding what to ignore; every new government has a new set of priorities. And: the public sector has no competition to push change.

One suggestion was that technological change happens in bursts – punctuated equilibrium. That sort of fits with the history of changing technological trends: computing, the Internet, the web, smartphones, the cloud. Today, that’s “AI”, which prime minister Keir Starmer announced this week he will mainline into the UK’s veins “for everything from spotting potholes to freeing up teachers to teach”.

The person who suggested “punctuated equilibrium” added: “Now is a new moment of change because of AI. It’s a new ‘GDS moment’.” This is plausible in the sense that new paradigms sometimes do bring profound change. Smartphones changed life for homeless people. On the other hand, many don’t do much. Think audio: that was going to be a game-changer, and yet after years of loss-making audio assistants, most of us are still typing.

So is AI one of those opportunities? Many brought up generative AI’s vast consumption of energy and water and rampant inaccuracy. Starmer, like Rishi Sunak before him, seems to think AI can make Britain the envy of other major governments.

Complex systems – such as digital governance – don’t easily change the flow of information or, therefore, the flow of power. It can take longer than most civil servants’ careers. Organizations like Mydex, which seeks to up-end today’s systems to put users in control, have been at work for years now. The upcoming digital identity framework has Mydex chair Alan Mitchell optimistic that the government’s digital identity framework is a breakthrough. We’ll see.

One attendee captured this: “It doesn’t feel like the question has changed from more efficient bureaucracy to things that change lives.” Said another in response, “The technology is the easy bit.”

Illustrations: Sir Humphrey Appleby (Nigel Hawthorne), Bernard Woolley (Derek Fowldes), and Jim Hacker (Paul Eddington) arguing over cultural change in Yes, Minister.

Banning TikTok

Two days from now, TikTok may go dark in the US. Nine months ago, in April 2024, Congress passed the Protecting Americans from Foreign Adversary Controlled Applications Act, banning TikTok if its Chinese owner, ByteDance, has not removed itself from ownership by January 19, 2025.

Last Friday, January 10, the US Supreme Court heard three hours of arguments in consolidated challenges filed by TikTok and a group of TikTok users: TikTok, Inc. v. Garland and Furbaugh v. Garland. Too late?

As a precaution, Kinling Lo and Viola Zhou report at Rest of World, at least some of TikTok’s 170 million American users are building community arks elsewhere – the platform Xiaohongshu (“RedNote”), for one. This is not the smartest choice; it, too is Chinese and could become subject to the same national security concerns, like the other Chinese apps Makena Kelly reports at Wired are scooping up new US users. Ashley Belanger reports at Ars Technica that rumors say the Chinese are thinking of segregating these American newcomers.

“The Internet interprets censorship as damage, and routes around it,” EFF founder and activist John Gilmore told Time Magazine in 1993. He meant Usenet, which could get messages past individual server bans, but it’s really more a statement about Internet *users*, who will rebel against bans. That for sure has not changed despite the more concentrated control of the app ecosystem. People will access each other by any means necessary. Even *voice* calls.

PAFACA bans apps from four “foreign adversaries to the United States” – China, Russia, North Korea, and Iran. That being the case, Xiaohongshu/RedNote is not a safe haven. The law just hasn’t noticed this hitherto unknown platform yet.

The law’s passage in April 2024 was followed in early May by TikTok’s legal challenge. Because of the imminent sell-by deadline, the case was fast-tracked, and landed in the US District of Columbia Circuit Court of Appeals in early December. The district court upheld the law and rejected both TikTok’s constitutional challenage and its request for an injunction staying enforcement until the constitutional claims could be fully reviewed by the Supreme Court. TikTok appealed that decision, and so last week here we were. This case is separate from Free Speech Coalition v. Paxton, which SCOTUS heard *this* week and challenges Texas’s 2023 age verification law (H.B. 1181), which could have even further-reaching Internet effects.

Here it gets silly. Incoming president Donald Trump, who originally initiated the ban but was blocked by the courts on constitutional grounds, filed an amicus brief arguing that any ban should be delayed until after he’s taken office on Monday because he can negotiate a deal. NBC News reports that the outgoing Biden administration is *also* trying to stop the ban and, per Sky News, won’t enforce it if it takes effect.

Previously, both guys wanted a ban, but I guess now they’ve noticed that, as Mike Masnick says at Techdirt, it makes them look out of touch to nearly half the US population. In other words, they moved from “Oh my God! The kids are using *TikTok*!” to “Oh, my God! The kids are *using* TikTok!”

The court transcript shows that TikTok’s lawyers made three main arguments. One: TikTok is now incorporated in the US, and the law is “a burden on TikTok’s speech”. Two: PAFACA is content-based, in that it selects types of content to which it applies (user-generated) and ignores others (reviews). Three: the US government has “no valid interest in preventing foreign propaganda”. Therefore, the government could find less restrictive alternatives, such as banning the company from sharing sensitive data. In answer to questions, TikTok’s lawyers claimed that the US’s history of banning foreign ownership of broadcast media is not relevant because it was due to bandwidth scarcity. The government’s lawyers countered with national security: the Chinese government could manipulate TikTok’s content and use the data it collects for espionage.

Again: the Chinese can *buy* piles of US data just like anyone else. TikTok does what Silicon Valley does. Pass data privacy laws!

Experts try to read the court. Amy Howe at SCOTUSblog says the justices seemed divided, but overall likely to issue a swift decision. At This Week in Google and Techdirt, Cathy Gellis says the proceedings, have left her “cautiously optimistic” that the court will not undermine the First Amendment, a feeling seemingly echoed by some of the panel of experts who liveblogged the proceedings.

The US government appears to have tied itself up in knots: SCOTUS may uphold a Congressionally-legislated ban neither old nor new administration now wants, that half the population resents, and that won’t solve the US’s pervasive privacy problems. Lost on most Americans is the irony that the rest of the world has complained for years that under the PATRIOT Act foreign subsidiaries of US companies are required to send data to US intelligence. This is why Max Schrems keeps winning cases under GDPR.

So, to wrap up: the ban doesn’t solve the problem it purports to solve, and it’s not the least restrictive possibility. On the other hand, national security? The only winner may be, as Jason Koebler writes at 404Media, Mark Zuckerberg.

Illustrations: Logo of Douyin, ByteDance’s Chinese version of TikTok.

Disharmony

When an individual user does it, it’s piracy. When a major company does it…it may just get away with it.

At TechCrunch, Kyle Wiggers reports that buried in newly unredacted documents in the copyright case Kadrey v. Meta is testimony that Meta trained its Llama language model on a dataset of ebooks it torrented from LibGen. So, two issues. First, LibGen has been sued numerous times, fined, and ordered to shut down. Second: torrent downloads simultaneously upload to others. So, allegedly, Meta knowingly pirated copyrighted books to train its language model.

Kadrey v. Meta was brought by novelist Richard Kardrey, writer Christopher Golden, and comedian Sarah Silverberg, and is one of a number of cases accusing technology companies of training language models on copyrighted works without permission. Meta claims fair use. Still, not a good look.

***

Coincidentally, this week CEO Mark Zuckerberg announced changes to the company’s content moderation policies in the US (for now), a move widely seen as pandering to the incoming administration. The main changes announced in Zuckerberg’s video clip: Meta will replace fact-checkers (“too politically biased”) with a system of user-provided “community notes” as on exTwitter, remove content restrictions that “shut out people with different ideas”, dial back its automated filters to focus solely on illegal content, rely on user reports to identify material that should be taken down, bring back political content, and move its trust and safety and content moderation teams from California to Texas (“where there is less concern about the bias of our teams”). He also pledges to work with the incoming president to “push back on governments around the world that are going after American companies and pushing to censor more”.

Journalists and fact-checkers are warning that misinformation and disinformation will be rampant, and many are alarmed by the specifics of the kind of thing people are now allowed to say. Zuckerberg frames all this as a “return” to free expression while acknowledging that, “We’re going to catch less bad stuff”

At Techdirt, Mike Masnick begins as an outlier, arguing that many of these changes are actually sensible, though he calls the reasoning behind the Texas move “stupid”, and deplores Zuckerberg’s claim that this is about “free speech” and removing “censorship”. A day later, after seeing the company’s internal guidelines unearthed by Kate Knibbs at Wired , he deplores the new moderation policy as “hateful people are now welcome”.

More interesting for net.wars purposes is the international aspect. As the Guardian says, Zuckerberg can’t bring these changes across to the EU or UK without colliding headlong with the UK’s Online Safety Act and the EU’s Digital Markets Act. Both lay down requirements for content moderation on the largest platforms.

And yet, it’s possible that Zuckerberg may also think these changes help lay the groundwork to meet the EU/UK requirements. Meta will still remove illegal content, which it’s required to do anyway. But he may think there’s a benefit in dialing back users expectations about what else Meta will remove, in that platforms must conform to the rules they set in their terms and conditions. Notice-and-takedown is an easier standard to meet than performance indicators for automated filters. It’s also likely cheaper. This approach is, however, the opposite of what critics like Open Rights Group have predicted the law will bring; ORG believes that platforms will instead over-moderate in order to stay out of trouble, chilling free speech.

Related is an interesting piece by Henry Farrell at his Programmable Matter newsletter, who argues that the more important social media speech issue is that what we read there determines how we imagine others think rather than how we ourselves think. In other words, misinformation, disinformation, and hate speech change what we think is normal, expanding the window of what we think other people find acceptable. That has resonance for me: the worst thing about prominent trolls is they give everyone else permission to behave as badly as they do.

***

It’s now 25 years since I heard a privacy advocate predict that the EU’s then-new data protection rights could become the basis of a trade war with the US. While instead the EU and US have kept trying to find a bypass that will withstand a legal challenge from Max Schrems, the approaches seem to be continuing to diverge, and in more ways.

For example, last week in the longrunning battle over network neutrality, judges on the US Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that the Federal Communications Commission was out of line when it announced rules in 2023 that classified broadband suppliers as common carriers under Title II of the Communications Act (1934). This judgment is the result of the Supreme Court’s 2024 decision to overturn the Chevron deference, setting courts free to overrule government agencies’ expertise. And that means the end in the US (until or unless Congress legislates) of network neutrality, the principle that all data flowing across the Internet was created equal and should be transmitted without fear or favor. Network neutrality persists in California, Washington, and Colorado, whose legislatures have passed laws to protect it.

China has taught us that the Internet is more divisible by national law than many thought in the 1990s. Copyright law may be the only thing everyone agrees on.

Illustrations: Drunk parrot in a South London garden (by Simon Bisson; used by permission).

The lost Internet

As we open 2025 it would be traditional for an Old Internet Curmudgeon to rhapsodize about the good, old days of the 1990s, when the web was open, snark flourished at sites like suck.com, no one owned social media (that is, Usenet and Internet Relay Chat), and even the spam was relatively harmless.

But that’s not the period I miss right now. By “lost” I mean the late 2000s, when we shifted from an Internet of largely unreliable opinions to an Internet full of fact-based sites you could trust. This was the period during which Wikipedia (created 2001) grew up, and Open Street Map (founded 2004) was born, joining earlier sites like the Internet Archive (founded 1996) and Snopes (1994). In that time, Google produced useful results, blogs flourished, and before it killed them if you asked on Twitter for advice on where to find a post box near a point in Liverpool you’d get correct answers straight to your mobile phone.

Today, so far: I can’t get a weather app to stop showing the location I was at last week and show the location I’m at this week. Basically, the app is punishing me for not turning on location tracking. The TV remote at my friend’s house doesn’t fully work and she doesn’t know why or how to fix it; she works around it with a second remote whose failings are complementary. No calendar app works as well as the software I had 1995-2001 (it synced! without using a cloud server and third-party account!). At the supermarket, the computer checkout system locked up. It all adds up to a constant white noise of frustration.

We still have Wikipedia, Open Street Map, Snopes, and the Internet Archive. But this morning a Mastodon user posted that their ten-year-old says you can’t trust Google any more: “It just returns ‘a bunch of madeup stuff’.” When ten-year-olds know your knowledge product sucks…

If generative AI were a psychic we’d call what it does cold reading.

At his blog, Ed Zitron has published a magnificent, if lengthy, rant on the state ot technology. “The rot economy”, he calls it, and says we’re all victims of constant low-level trauma. Most of his complaints will be familiar: the technologies we use are constantly shifting and mostly for the worse. My favorite line: “We’re not expected to work out ‘the new way to use a toilet’ every few months because somebody decided we were finishing too quickly.”

Pause to remember nostalgically 2018, when a friend observed that technology wasn’t exciting any more and 2019, when many more people thought the Internet was no longer “fun”. Those were happy days. Now we are being overwhelmed with stuff we actively don’t want in our lives. Even hacked Christmas lights sound miserable for the neighbors.

***

I have spent some of these holidays editing a critique of Ofcom’s regulatory plans under the Online Safety Act (we all have our own ideas about holidays), and one thing seems clear: the splintering Internet is only going to get worse.

Yesterday, firing up Chrome because something didn’t work in Firefox, I saw a fleeting popup to the effect that because I may not be over 18 there are search results Google won’t show me. I don’t think age verification is in force in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania – US states keep passing bills, but hit legal challenges.

Age verification has been “imminent” in the UK for so long – it was originally included in the Digital Economy Act 2017 – that it seems hard to believe it may actually become a reality. But: sites within the Act’s scope will have to complete an “illegal content risk assessment” by March 16. So the fleeting popup felt like a visitation from the Ghost of Christmas Future.

One reason age verification was dropped back then – aside from the distractions of Brexit – was that the mechanisms for implementing it were all badly flawed – privacy-invasive, ineffective, or both. I’m not sure they’ve improved much. In 2022, France’s data protection watchdog checked them out: “CNIL finds that such current systems are circumventable and intrusive, and calls for the implementation of more privacy-friendly models.”

I doubt Ofcom can square this circle, but the costs of trying will include security, privacy, freedom of expression, and constant technological friction. Bah, humbug.

***

Still, one thing is promising: the rise of small, independent media outlets wbo are doing high-quality work. Joining established efforts like nine-year-old The Ferret, ten-year-old Bristol Cable, and five-year-old Rest of World are year-and-a-half-old 404 Media and newcomer London Centric. 404Media, formed by four journalists formerly at Vice’s Motherboard, has been consistently making a splash since its founding; this week Jason Koebler reminds that Elon Musk’s proactive willingness to unlock the blown-up cybertruck in Las Vegas and provide comprehensive data on where it’s been, including video from charging stations, without warrant or court order, could apply to any Tesla customer at any time. Meanwhile, in its first three months London Centric’s founding journalist, Jim Waterson, has published pieces on the ongoing internal mess at Transport for London resulting from the August cyberattack and bicycle theft in the capital. Finally, if you’re looking for high-quality American political news, veteran journalist Dan Gillmore curates it for you every day in his Cornerstone of Democracy newsletter.

The corporate business model of journalism is inarguably in trouble, but journalism continues.

Happy new year.

Illustrations: The Marx Brothers in their 1929 film, The Cocoanuts, newly released into the public domain.